悟空传

总台中国之声解读应急机械拉手安全隐患:与内饰颜色接近不易识别_我的网站

那年花开月正圆

一 |     

India this week celebrated landing successfully on the moon – a massive, globally recognized accomplishment years in the making and a demonstration of the country’s developing scientific and technological prowess. But in Moscow, which saw a similar high-profile attempt fail just days earlier, the victory rubbed salt into its recent wound.
India’s achievement meant it joined the U.S., China and the Soviet Union as the fourth country to land a spacecraft on the moon and highlighted its growing capabilities as a force in space.
Among the praise from world leaders, the Kremlin issued an official statement from Russian President Vladimir Putin, who dutifully offered his “heartfelt congratulations” to Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the Indian space program.
"This is a big step forward in space exploration and, of course, a testament to the impressive progress made by India in the field of science and technology," the statement read.
Yet for Putin, the achievement carries the consequence of further embarrassment. His own lunar mission came to an abrupt halt earlier in the week when a thruster fired for 43 seconds too long, ending a much-needed chance to assert Russian power and pride at home and abroad. And that was the beginning of a week in which he was forced to attend an international summit by videoconference for fear of arrest on an outstanding warrant for international human rights violations. It also preceded by days the suspicious sudden death of an emerging political foe. More broadly, the latest black eye comes as the 70-year-old autocrat is seeing challenges to his leadership for the first time in a nearly quarter-century rule, growing cynicism about his unprovoked invasion of Ukraine, limited economic expansion prospects and a potentially destabilizing reelection bid next year.
Almost unavoidably, the setback in space would be seen by some as emblematic of the country’s larger struggles.
“Russia’s bedraggled space program mirrors the state of the nation itself, including the surprisingly poor performance of the Russian military in its war on Ukraine,” Leroy Chiao, a former NASA astronaut, wrote in an opinion piece. “Instead of making his nation a ‘great power’ again, Putin has shown the world just how badly Russia is in decline. The lamentable state of Moscow’s space program is just the latest confirmation of that.”
There were reasons to think the atrophy was not as severe. Russia, for the most part, has been a reliable partner on the International Space Station despite geopolitical tumult and for years was tasked with ferrying astronauts to and from the orbiting laboratory. Beyond that, major successes have been elusive – especially more recently.
Challenges for Russia’s space program include Western sanctions and an ongoing brain drain, according to Kari Bingen, the director of the Center for Strategic and International Studies’ Aerospace Security Project.
“The Russians haven't done this in decades,” Bingen says. “The sanctions that have been levied against their aerospace industries and against their space program – they are having an impact. I'd also say there is a brain drain happening in Russia. Putin is sending his young people to fight an illegal war, not to go into the aerospace sector.”
The loss of bright minds to sustain the program “will have longer-term implications for their technical abilities but also for their standing as a space power within the international community.”
One of those implications is a pact signed in March 2021 by China and Russia to jointly explore the moon as they solidified a larger “no-limits” strategic partnership they would announce less than a year later. Russia’s ability to contribute to those efforts was questionable even before its most recent failure, which comes amid signs of cracks between Beijing and Moscow over Ukraine.
But, as importantly, it’s another dent in Putin’s ambition to project Russia as an international power. During the last decade, he pursued such a goal through meddling in foreign affairs like Russia’s intervention in Syria’s civil war, testing the defenses of the NATO alliance and interfering in the 2016 U.S. elections as well as working to undermine Western interests in hot spots like Iran, Afghanistan or North Korea. At home, Putin set out to foment nationalistic pride, spending fortunes on public infrastructure projects like roads and bridges and massive sports complexes surrounded by newly constructed villages to bring the world to Russia for events like the Olympic Games and international soccer’s World Cup.
With regard to space, Putin set out to build a state-of-the-art launch complex. But, perhaps foreshadowing the difficulties that would beset the Russian program, the project was plagued by cost overruns and endemic corruption widely reported within the country that saw the price balloon past $2 billion and dozens of officials fired or jailed before the facility even opened.
Now, with the value of the ruble having plunged and the war effort requiring an ever-growing capital commitment, the failure of the moon mission has proved just the opposite: a testament to Russia’s inability to compete globally as it works in the shadow of Soviet successes launching the first satellite, orbiting the first astronaut and successfully landing an unmanned spacecraft on the moon in the last century.
“Russia’s Cold War legacy will be just that – a legacy – unless they can actually do this themselves,” Victoria Samson, the Washington office director for Secure World Foundation, a nonprofit that promotes the peaceful exploration of outer space, told CNN.
Yuri Borisov, the head of Russia’s state-controlled space agency, blamed the fiasco on the long gap since its last lunar mission, which was in 1976, when Russia was a part of the Soviet Union.
“The negative experience of interrupting the lunar program for almost 50 years is the main reason for the failures,” Borisov said.
Others have pointed to systemic problems, like uneven and inexperienced leadership, the reliance on substandard building materials and chronically low salaries within the sector for various failures. And, of course, something as simple as foolish pride can’t be eliminated. Some speculated that Russia’s rush to beat India to the moon could have led it to ignore issues that arose during the mission.
“It looks like things weren’t going according to plan, but they decided not to change the schedule to prevent the Indians from coming first,” noted Vitaly Egorov, a popular Russian space blogger.
But it also shows just how difficult it is to land on the moon, given that this was India’s second attempt after a failed mission in 2019 following an Israeli moon mission that met a similar fate in 2019.
“India’s accomplishment today is a good reminder that space missions are risky and that the technology is hard,” Bingen says.
And not everyone characterized the Russian space program’s decline as so severe.
Henry Hertzfeld, a research professor of space policy and international affairs at George Washington University, says the country is still quite capable in space.
“It isn't easy," Hertzfeld says. “All nations run the risk of failure at one point or another.”
Despite the possible dent in Russia’s pride, Borisov said Monday that abandoning the lunar program would be “the worst decision” and that the country should commit to more space missions as the U.S., China and other nations weigh both the political, scientific and commercial advantages of a lasting presence on the moon.
Hertzfeld says he won't write off another moon landing attempt from Russia in the future. 
“It comes at an awkward time for them with India being successful a few days later,” Hertzfeld says. “But I think given their history, given the history of the Soviet Union – they’ve landed on the moon before – it wouldn’t surprise me if they came back again at some point with another attempt.”
。    
IT之家 8 月 23 日消息,据中央广播电视总台中国之声今天(23 日)报道,日前,国家市场监督管理总局集中发布汽车召回公告,特斯拉、小米、小鹏、零跑等 9 家车企同步启动召回,覆盖数百万辆新能源汽车。本次召回的核心原因高度统一:车内应急机械拉手与内饰颜色接近、辨识度不足,极端碰撞断电场景下可能影响驾乘人员逃生与外部救援

二 | 报道指出,在普遍采用电动开门的新能源车型上,车内应急机械拉手是完全脱离电控系统的纯机械结构,也是极端险情下的最后一道逃生防线。

三 | 汽车产业专家李洋介绍,与传统燃油车直接外露的机械门把手不同,新能源车的应急拉手安装位置并无统一标准:有的藏在车门储物槽内,有的内嵌于扶手内侧的门板上,通常覆盖有同色小盖板,抠开后可通过机械拉索直接解锁车门。它唯一的使用场景,是车辆严重碰撞、落水等导致整车低压系统失效的极端情况 —— 当电动开门按键完全失灵时,机械拉手仍可实现“物理解锁”

四 | 本次召回将“颜色接近、不易识别”定性为安全隐患,并非小题大做。在碰撞、落水等紧急场景下,驾乘人员往往处于慌乱、视线受限的状态,黄金逃生窗口往往只有数秒。若应急部件与内饰融为一体、难以快速定位,会直接延误逃生时机。

五 | 目前多数车企给出的整改方案为加贴醒目警示标识、OTA 升级事故后自动降窗策略,前者提升部件辨识度,后者增加极端场景下的逃生通道,双维度降低安全风险。IT之家获悉,本次召回的 9 家企业以新能源品牌为主,同类缺陷高度集中。这一现象背后,是新能源汽车行业盛行的极简一体化设计风潮。为了降低风阻系数、提升续航表现,同时打造更具科技感的内饰视觉效果,隐藏式门把手、全触屏中控、无物理按键设计逐渐成为行业主流。不少车型为了维持视觉上的简洁统一,将应急操作部件也纳入“隐身设计”范畴,从外露式改为内嵌式、同色化处理,让安全部件为整体造型让步。李洋表示,审美迭代本身无可厚非,但汽车产品的设计必须以安全为前提。近年来部分车企出现了“重情绪价值、轻功能安全”的倾向:取消前雾灯、取消两厢和溜背车型的后风挡雨刷、大幅削减实体功能按键…… 诸多实用安全配置为造型让路。这种“专业设计追着大众审美跑”的逻辑,本质是对用户需求的非理性迎合,也让一些基础安全细节被不断弱化。

六 | 我国首部针对汽车车门把手及应急开启装置的强制性国家标准《汽车车门把手安全技术要求》(GB 48001-2026)将于 2027 年 1 月 1 日正式实施,明确要求所有新车必须保留直观可操作的机械开门结构,并设置清晰醒目的应急标识。

七 | 结合本次大规模集体召回来看,这项新规正是对新能源领域“重颜值、轻安全”设计倾向的制度性纠偏,也是监管层面遏制“畸形创新”的明确信号:创新应当被鼓励,但不能突破安全底线,更不能以牺牲极端场景下的逃生能力为代价。从个案召回到制度规范,也体现出我国汽车安全监管正在不断细化、前置。对于新规落地前已生产销售的海量存量车型,李洋表示,若后续经实际事故案例验证、缺陷评估确认隐藏式结构存在安全隐患,即便车型在新规生效前已获批量产,仍可通过召回流程完成整改。报道指出,本次 9 家车企同步发布召回公告,已经释放出新能源车安全监管全面趋严的明确信号。

八 |

Current article:http://t4sj.linlangdouwaqiexusan.bond/list_t0hy7ky/yg9tsy.html

Published on:11:04:34